Prologue

The ‘American Experiment’ was, and is, unique in the context of a methodology for the formation of a large and powerful state when considering that 17th century America was an overwhelming majority European - mostly British, Spanish, French, and Dutch (native American tribes were not a significant political or societal influence after the mid 17th century in the Northern settlements due to de-population from European diseases and tribal wars). These European sensibilities provided the basic cultural reference and the framework for early American societal norms.

It is oft quoted, as a self-evident truth, that America started as a nation of immigrants; but the germinal United States had no significant origination as immigrants. The correct term for the western settling of 17th and 18th century America is that these people were colonials, where their legal existence was further codified by the 1783 Treaty of Paris. America did not become ‘A Nation of Immigrants’ until the swell and influx of individuals during the latter 18th century, and the diasporas of the 19th century.

The societal and economic norm for most North American colonials was a strong and decentralized protestant church, and the work ethics of the church, and a local government. There were no federal or centralized powers, other than the colonial controls exerted by an European monarchy. Martial powers were oriented and dependent on vendors in the local open market and individual militia members as organized from the local citizenry by the sheriff.

Perceived threats to American economic well being or to American churches was met with incrementally increasing levels of nationalism and the resultant military violence. Martial reaction was faith-based and was defined per the so-called evangelical ‘Great Awakening’ of 18th century America. The Great Awakening was a principal formative of modern regional sectarianism in these United States. It is also (partially) explains the difficulty that the founders had in convincing colonial America that revolution and war were needed under a centralized organization.

Nationalistic pride was seldom successfully invoked by the founders. Even after the American Revolution, the need for a federal constitution and a central government was not generally recognized, so public opinion was directed and manipulated via the media per the Federalist Papers, et al.

Wide-spread American nationalism was revived in the civil-war era southern states (the North had a significant anti-war faction that decreased nationalist sentiment), and again on a much smaller scale, in the 21st century after 9/11. Both the Civil War and the smaller 9/11 nationalistic revivals served to further stratify American society. The young people that volunteered or that were conscripted and fought in the Civil War, with exception of some children of wealthy families, were representative of America. The civil war had the highest participation rate of blacks in the military in American history. The Union formed the largest standing army in the history of the world during the Civil War. The Civil War continues to define and influence American culture and politics. Part of an explanation for the political landscape of 21st century America includes an extension of Civil War cultural sectarianism.